Libya’s Biosafety and Biosecurity Standards Need Global attention, As Iraq Enter’s Unaccountable State

Libya is a country that has been plagued by instability and violence since the 2011 uprising that toppled Muammar Gaddafi. One of the most critical challenges facing the Libyan authorities and the international community is how to reform and rebuild the security sector, which is fragmented, politicized and under-resourced. The security sector includes not only the armed forces, police and intelligence services, but also the various militias, armed groups and paramilitary forces that operate in the country.

One of the key aspects of security sector reform is the control and management of weapons and ammunition, especially those of mass destruction or proliferation concern. Libya possesses a large stockpile of chemical weapons, which were declared to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in 2004. The OPCW has been overseeing the destruction of these weapons since 2012, but the process has been hampered by technical difficulties, security threats and political turmoil.

Another issue is the security of biological materials and facilities, which could pose a serious risk if they fall into the wrong hands or are misused. Libya has a history of pursuing a biological weapons program, which was reportedly dismantled in 2003. However, there are still concerns about the fate and whereabouts of some of the biological agents and equipment that were involved in the program.

One of the most alarming incidents occurred in 2019, when a breach was detected at a laboratory in Tripoli that housed dangerous pathogens, such as anthrax, brucella and plague. The laboratory was part of the National Center for Disease Control (NCDC), which is responsible for public health surveillance and response. The breach was discovered by a team of UN experts who visited the laboratory as part of a project to enhance Libya’s biosafety and biosecurity capabilities.

The UN team found that the laboratory had been looted and vandalized, and that some of the pathogens were missing or unaccounted for. The team also reported that the laboratory had poor security measures, such as inadequate locks, alarms and cameras, and that it was located in a volatile area near a military base. The team warned that the breach could have serious consequences for public health and security, both in Libya and beyond.

The incident highlighted the need for urgent action to improve Libya’s biosafety and biosecurity standards, as well as to strengthen its oversight and accountability mechanisms. The UN team recommended that the NCDC should conduct a comprehensive inventory of all its biological materials and facilities, and that it should implement a robust system of physical protection, access control and personnel reliability. The team also suggested that the NCDC should collaborate with international partners, such as the OPCW, the World Health Organization and Interpol, to enhance its capacity and to share information.

The breach also underscored the importance of addressing the broader challenges of security sector reform in Libya, which is essential for achieving lasting peace and stability. The security sector reform should aim to establish a unified, professional and accountable security apparatus that can protect the Libyan people and their institutions from internal and external threats. The security sector reform should also involve disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of former combatants, as well as reconciliation and justice for victims of human rights violations.

Libya’s security sector reform is a complex and long-term process that requires political will, national ownership and international support. It is also a vital precondition for advancing other aspects of Libya’s transition, such as constitutional drafting, elections and economic recovery. Only by addressing its security sector challenges can Libya hope to overcome its legacy of violence and build a more secure and prosperous future.

These laboratories are potential sources of biological and chemical weapons, as well as infectious diseases that could pose a threat to public health and security. Libya has a history of pursuing weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs, and although it renounced them in 2003 and dismantled most of its WMD facilities, some of its laboratories remain operational and poorly secured.

According to a recent report by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Libya has at least 10 biological and chemical laboratories that are located in different parts of the country, some of them in conflict zones or under the control of armed groups. The report warns that these laboratories are vulnerable to theft, sabotage, diversion or misuse by actors who may seek to acquire or use biological or chemical agents for malicious purposes. The report also highlights the lack of transparency, accountability and regulation of these laboratories, as well as the insufficient training and awareness of their staff.

The report recommends several measures to enhance the security and safety of Libya’s laboratories, such as:

• Conducting a comprehensive inventory and assessment of all biological and chemical laboratories in Libya, including their location, ownership, purpose, equipment, materials, personnel and security measures.
• Developing and implementing national standards and guidelines for biosafety and biosecurity, as well as a legal framework for the oversight and regulation of biological and chemical activities.
• Providing technical assistance and training to laboratory staff on biosafety and biosecurity practices, as well as on how to detect, report and respond to potential breaches or incidents.
• Establishing a national authority or agency responsible for coordinating and monitoring biological and chemical activities, as well as for facilitating cooperation and information sharing among relevant stakeholders.
• Enhancing regional and international cooperation on biosafety and biosecurity issues, especially with neighboring countries and organizations such as the African Union, the Arab League, the European Union and the United Nations.

The report concludes that improving the security and safety of Libya’s laboratories is not only a matter of preventing the proliferation or use of WMDs, but also a matter of protecting public health and human security in Libya and beyond. It urges the Libyan authorities and the international community to take urgent action to address this issue before it is too late.

Iraq’s unaccountable state

Iraq is a country that has been plagued by violence, corruption and instability for decades. The recent protests that erupted in October 2019 have exposed the deep dissatisfaction and anger of the Iraqi people towards their political system, which they perceive as unaccountable, ineffective and sectarian.

The protesters demand basic services, jobs, justice and dignity, as well as an end to foreign interference and political quotas. They also call for a complete overhaul of the constitution and the electoral law, which they blame for entrenching the power of the ruling elite and marginalizing the majority of the population.

The Iraqi state is unaccountable in many ways. First, it lacks transparency and accountability mechanisms that would ensure the proper management of public funds and resources and prevent corruption and embezzlement. According to Transparency International, Iraq ranks 162 out of 180 countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index 2020, making it one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

The Iraqi people have little access to information about how their government spends their money, or how it makes decisions that affect their lives. The parliament, which is supposed to represent and oversee the executive branch, is often dysfunctional and divided along sectarian and ethnic lines. The judiciary, which is supposed to uphold the rule of law and protect human rights, is often politicized and influenced by external actors.

Second, the Iraqi state is unaccountable to its citizens, who have little say in choosing their leaders or holding them accountable for their performance. The current electoral system, based on proportional representation and closed lists, allows political parties to dominate the political scene and distribute seats among themselves according to a power-sharing formula that reflects their sectarian and ethnic affiliations. This system reduces the accountability of individual candidates to their constituents and encourages patronage and clientelism.

Moreover, the electoral commission, which is supposed to organize free and fair elections, is not independent or impartial, but rather appointed by the parliament according to the same quota system. The next parliamentary elections, scheduled for October 2021, are unlikely to bring any meaningful change or reform, unless the electoral law and the electoral commission are reformed.

Third, the Iraqi state is unaccountable to its own laws and obligations, both domestic and international. The constitution of 2005, which was drafted under US occupation and approved by a controversial referendum, contains many contradictions and ambiguities that undermine its legitimacy and coherence. For instance, it recognizes Iraq as a federal state, but does not define the powers and responsibilities of the federal government and the regions.

It also guarantees a wide range of rights and freedoms for all Iraqis but does not provide effective mechanisms for their implementation or protection. Furthermore, the Iraqi state has failed to comply with many of its international commitments, such as the UN Convention against Torture, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, or the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

The lack of accountability of the Iraqi state has serious consequences for the stability and prosperity of the country. It erodes public trust and confidence in state institutions, fuels social discontent and unrest, undermines economic development and growth, exacerbates sectarian and ethnic divisions and violence, and enables external interference and intervention.

To address these challenges, Iraq needs a comprehensive reform process that would enhance the accountability of its state at all levels: fiscal, political, legal and moral. Such a process would require a genuine dialogue among all stakeholders: political parties, civil society groups, religious authorities, tribal leaders, regional actors and international partners. It would also require a strong political will from all sides to overcome their narrow interests and work for the common good of Iraq.